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From: The Asian Age |
The Nehru/Gandhi family remain one of the most successful political dynasty in modern history. Beginning with the first prime minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, the legacy of the Nehru family continued with his daughter Indira Gandhi when she assumed the office of Prime Minister in 1966. The dynasty continues today under the leadership of Indira's daughter in law, Sonia Gandhi and her grandson Rahul Gandhi. Indira was closely involved in the independence movement alongside her father and the leadership of Mohandas Gandhi. While neither she nor her husband possessed familial ties to Mohandas the dynasty bears the name Gandhi and at least maintains symbolic ties to the Father of India. The following is a paper I wrote last year which aims to explore how the philosophy and practice of Indira Gandhi was both a continuation and departure from Gandhian political philosophy.
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| http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/3713631.stm |
In
the history of India since independence, Indira
Gandhi assumes a central role in India’s development into a modern democratic
nation. Her role as Prime Minister remains a controversial topic within India. She
served as Prime Minister from 1966 to 1977 and then again from 1980 until her
assassination by her Sikh bodyguards in 1984. Indira Gandhi’s involvement in
the struggle for Indian independence began with her family’s close relationship
with Mohandas Gandhi and her special working relationship with her father. The
purpose of this paper is an examination of how her rule was both a continuation
and a departure from the political philosophy of Mohandas Gandhi. This study will require an investigation of the political philosophy of Mohandas Gandhi,
the continuity between Indira Gandhi’s political practice and Mohandas Gandhi’s
philosophy, and the ways in which her government departed from that political
philosophy.
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| From Biography.com |
Mohandas Gandhi was born on October
2, 1869, in Porbandar, Gujarat, India and
pursued a law degree at the Inner Temple in London. Afterward, he returned to India and practiced law in Bombay but
soon left for South Africa where he practiced law with an Indian law firm.
Gandhi daily faced discrimination in South Africa because of his Indian
ethnicity. It was within the setting of South Africa that Gandhi began to form
his philosophy and practices against the injustices Indians encountered daily. In
1906, the Transvaal government passed a law requiring registration for its
South Asian population. The law required all Indians eight or older to acquire
registration along with fingerprints and whenever any authority could demand
their paperwork at any time and for any reason. Gandhi led a campaign of civil
disobedience for eight years which eventually led to a compromise recognizing
Indian rights.1
 |
| Gandhi with supporters in South Africa. Photographer unknown. From http://gandhi.southafrica.net/ |
Opposition to discrimination and unjust
laws led to Gandhi’s development of his political philosophy. A careful reading
of Thoreau’s Civil Disobedience and
Tolstoy’s The Kingdom of God Is Within You led to Gandhi’s
teaching of nonviolent resistance. Gandhi returned to India in 1914 and
eventually assumed leadership of the movement for Indian independence.2
Independence for India or Swaraj was central to Gandhi’s political
philosophy. But Swaraj for Gandhi was
not simply the absence of British rule it involved a new way of thinking for
the nation and the individual. Swaraj
seeks independence and self-rule for India,
but it is not simply a change in government. Gandhi saw swaraj changing India as individuals experience transformation at the village level. When Gandhi
returned to India from South Africa, he
viewed himself more as a social worker than a national revolutionary.3 Swaraj then is not only corporate it is
also individual as it changes not only the heart of the oppressed it also
changes the heart of the oppressor. According to Gandhi violence corrupts the
individual and the nation. Gandhi makes this clear when he says, “But my creed
is non-violence under all circumstances. My method is conversion, not coercion;
it is self-suffering, not the suffering of the tyrant.4” Gandhi
not only wanted freedom for India from Britain but he also wanted to see the
British free from their oppressive acts and join the nations as a partner.5
Respect for the individual is an
essential aspect of swaraj as individual liberties and rights
are respected. Freedom of association, press, and religion are just some of the
rights essential for swaraj. Gandhi was well trained in Western
law and could demonstrate the hypocrisy of the British with their inconsistent
application of Western guarantees of liberty. Gandhi wrote, “Freedom of speech
and civil liberty are the very roots of swaraj.
Without these, the foundations of swaraj
will remain weak.[6]”
Gandhi’s understanding of swaraj
consisted of three planks. First was equality for the Dalit community through
the eradication of untouchability. It was Gandhi’s desire for India’s
transformation into an egalitarian society free of caste distinctions. Secondly, Gandhi’s vision of religious liberty
and unity was an essential part of swaraj. Gandhi emphasizes this freedom when
he says, “those who are conscious of the spirit of nationality do not interfere
with another’s religion. If they do, they
are not fit to be considered a nation.[7]”
But it was a Hindu-Muslim unity that
Gandhi desired above all, realizing the distrust that existed between both
groups. But Gandhi believed that there could be no progress for swaraj
without cooperation between Hindus and Muslims.[8]The
third plank of swaraj includes the
practice of swadeshi which implies a reliance on one’s community. Swadeshi promoted a simple lifestyle
using local products and resources. The campaign for swadeshi also led to a
rejection of British goods especially textiles. Gandhi set the example with his
daily practice of spinning cloth. Gandhi’s promotion of home spun khadi cloth
encouraged local production, discouraged dependence on British goods, and alleviated
rural poverty.[9]
If swaraj was the goal for India, then the
means to accomplish that goal is satyagraha.
Satyagraha uses the power of
non-violence in accomplishing freedom. The use of non-violence was not a weapon
of the weak according to Gandhi; rather
it is a weapon of strength which insists on truth. As a method satyagraha to be
more than passive resistance but as a struggle for real change in society.[10]
Non-violence is not an easy path, but
according to Gandhi, it holds fast to the truth. Gandhi explains this
saying,
In satyagraha, there is always an unflinching
adherence to truth. It is never to be forsaken
on any account. Even for the sake of one’s country, it does not permit resort
to falsehood. It proceeds on the assumption of the ultimate triumph of truth.[11]
Those who practice satyagraha may face
disappointment and opposition. Obedience in the face of injustice is not an
option. A satyagrahi can expect
opposition and even suffering, but the
satyagrahi
dedicates himself to the truth. Obedience to the truth is more important than
surrender in the face of unjust laws. Truth demands that the adherent to satyagraha disobey unjust laws and even
face the consequences of disobedience. Faithfulness to satyagraha will achieve swaraj as love and truth gained victory
over injustice. Gandhi believed that even the most ruthless ruler must
eventually relent under the power of satyagraha.
He says, “Even a heart of flint will melt in the fire kindled in the power of
the soul. Even a Nero becomes a lamb when he faces love.[12]”
But Gandhi rejected the idea that the satyagrahi was weak and powerless
because he viewed nonviolent noncooperation as a potent weapon in the battle
against injustice.[13]
The principle of satyagrahi appears as a cross-cultural hybrid utilizing
Western thinkers such as Tolstoy and Thoreau as well as Hindu and Jain
principles of ahimsa or nonviolence
toward all living things.[14]
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| Gandhi & The Salt March. From: http://beautifultrouble.org/case/the-salt-march/ |
Sarvodaya is another important plank of Gandhian principles. Sarvodaya teaches self-reliance and the uplift of all Indians regardless of caste or religion. Gandhi first used the term in 1908 when he translated John Ruskin’s book Unto This Last into Gujarati and entitled the translation Sarvodaya. Like Ruskin Gandhi criticized the utilitarian idea of the “greatest good for the greatest number.” Gandhi argued for the uplift of all.[15] Sarvodaya links to swaraj as both extend to the entire nation as well as the individual. The goal of sarvodaya is the elevation of every individual in the nation. Gandhi compares this to utilitarianism when he says,
A votary of ahimsa cannot subscribe to the
utilitarian formula. He will strive for the greatest good of all and die in the
attempt to realize the ideal. He will, therefore, be willing to die so that the
others may live. He will serve himself with the rest by himself dying. The
greatest good of all inevitably includes the good of the greatest number, and
therefore he and the utilitarian will converge in many points in their career,
but there comes a time when they must part company and even work in opposite
directions. The utilitarian to be logical will never sacrifice himself. The
absolutist will even sacrifice himself.[16]
According
to Gandhi, the duty of the state is to uplift all levels of society while also allowing
a just distribution of wealth. But Gandhi makes it very clear that he does not
support communism and he did not believe in taking property by force. Rather
Gandhi believed that those with property held their wealth in a trusteeship.[17]Those
who possess more wealth than their needs demand should consider that their wealth is a trust for the greater
society. Gandhi’s idea of trusteeship stems from his belief in the oneness of
humanity as well as “his conviction that economic policy and social behavior
should not ignore moral values.[18]”
If a property owner exploits others, then
satyagraha
is a tool that can educate the wealthy as even a wealthy land owner cannot till
his land.[19]But
the act of seizing property by force merely continues a cycle of violence.
As the daughter of
Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira took part in the Independence movement from her
childhood. The freedom movement often caused long periods of
separation between father and daughter and often chaos in the childhood of
young Indira. Indian nationalism
dominated the Nehru household, and the
influence of Mohandas Gandhi held sway in the family. With a mother suffering
from chronic sickness and family engaged in politics as well as spending time
in prison Indira assumed an unusual amount of responsibility for a young child.[20]
As Indira grew, she found that even as a
child she discovered that the campaign for Indian self-sufficiency impacted her
when she gave up her favorite doll because it was foreign made.[21] Nehru
opposed her courtship with Feroze Gandhi and sought the aid of Mohandas Gandhi.
Her proposed marriage proved controversial since Feroze was Parsi while Indira
was Hindu. Mohandas Gandhi who was no relation to Feroze gave his blessing and
helped reconcile Indira to Nehru.[22]
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| Mahatma Gandhi with Indira during his 1924 Fast. From Wikipedia |
When Jawaharlal Nehru assumed the office
of prime minister in 1947, he was a widower, and Indira served as his social
hostess. As Nehru laid the foundations of Indian democracy, Indira assisted her
father and became Congress Party President in 1959. After Nehru’s death in 1964, she accepted a cabinet position under his
successor Lal Bahadur Shastri. But after Shastri's
sudden death in 1966, party elders offered her the prime minister’s office.
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| Jawaharlal Nehru from thewire.in |
Since independence,
the Congress Party has consistently presented itself as the inheritor of
Gandhi’s legacy. Indira Gandhi’s period as Prime Minister demonstrates both
attempts at continuing Gandhian philosophy,
but there are also sharp departures from Gandhi’s ideals. Like her father,
Indira promoted India as a diverse ethnic and religious nation. This concern
reflects Gandhi’s vision of swaraj.
That is India as a free nation in which the rights and differences of all
Indians receive honor.
Commitment to religious freedom appears
in Mrs. Gandhi’s support for secularism. During the violence of partition Mrs
Gandhi saw first hand the horrors of communal and religious violence. Mohandas Gandhi assigned her as an aid worker to the Muslim area of Delhi where many were
suffering. She shared that experience saying,
Then we became
absorbed in the work. The Muslims were
really in a terrible state. They had no food and nobody could go out. Nothing
had been cleaned out for about a month.
Because it was the rainy season, some of the streets were full of water with
filth floating on it… We saved several people from being killed and we got some
who were making trouble arrested. My feud with the R.S.S. started then. Some
innocent-looking people walked around with sticks which had swords hidden
inside, or a heavy bit of metal, so that if they hit a person, his head would split open.[23]
As
result of her commitment to secularism Mrs. Gandhi received widespread support
from Muslims and other religious minorities. She gained a reputation as a
protector of minorities reflecting the image of swaraj that Mohandas Gandhi
called for in India.[24]
But in a quest for votes Mrs. Gandhi
began a campaign for conservative Hindu votes during the 1971 campaign. In one
campaign speech she claimed that Hindus
were under attack in India during communal riots in 1972 she continually
brushed off criticism due to the participation of police in communal violence. During her last campaign of 1980 she swept into
office with strong Muslim support but within a year after her win she began a
new campaign appealing to the nationalistic sensitivities of middle-class Hindu voters.[25]
Indira Gandhi continued the
socialist policies begun by her father Jawaharlal Nehru with the goal of
lifting poor Indians out of the mire of poverty. Nehru believed that his
socialistic economics could keep Mohandas Gandhi's
promise of sarvodaya by lifting the poor of India out of poverty and as
full participants in Indian democracy. India began a policy of land
redistribution, socialized medicine, and social relief programs designed to
empower and meet the needs of poor Indians. The goal of nationalization of
banks and major industries was for the prevention of wealth accumulating in
only a few hands. Despite good intentions, the poor of India remained in
poverty.
Mohandas Gandhi’s principle of Sarvodaya appears in Indira’s
1971 parliamentary election. As her opponents used the campaign slogan Indira Hatao (Remove Indira), Indira struck
back with the slogan Garibi Hatao (Remove Poverty).[26]
Indira successfully connected to both the rural and urban poor who supported her
campaign. The slogan proved to be extremely successful
and allowed Indira a connection with the poor. The Indian newspaper The Hindu
reports;
To this day leaders of her Congress party seek
votes in remote areas of the country in the name of Indira Amma (mother). In
many houses in the south of the country
she’s worshipped along with religious
deities.[27]
Her
election victory gave her the opportunity for action against the princes. Since
independence, the princes of the former
princely states retained their titles and their privy purses, but with such an overwhelming victory Indira abolished all
princely privileges.
While her anti-poverty campaign
increased her popularity among the poor and reminded many of Mohandas Gandhi’s
elevation of the poor the reality was that Indira’s Garibi Hatao program was largely unsuccessful. While the program
was an attempt at bypassing the restrictions placed by the caste system, only a
small percentage of those promised aid received help. The plans required too
many intermediaries between bureaucrats and the poor while also diverting
needed funds for patronage and corrupt income. In all only, 4% of the needed resources reached the needy. The Garibi
Hatao program achieved little and made negligible differences in lessening
Indian poverty.[28]
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| Indira Gandhi campaigning. From http://indiragandhi.in |
Indira Gandhi’s use of power
politics and her use of warfare demonstrates a marked departure from Gandhian ideals of non-violence. Mohandas Gandhi
explains the need for non-violence when he says, “But my creed is non-violence
under all circumstances. My method is conversion, not coercion; it is self-suffering not the suffering of the tyrant. I
know that method to be infallible.”[29]Indira did not hesitate at using the military
and force when she felt it necessary.
 |
| Pakistan Army surrenders & signs the Instrument of surrender in 1971. From Wikipedia |
In 1971 Pakistan was divided between
a dominant West Pakistan and a weak East Pakistan. As Bengali-speaking East Pakistan struggled with a dominant Punjabi
army refugees began pouring into India. India
defeated Pakistan in a quick war which established independence for Bangladesh.
Indira’s popularity soared as patriotic fervor swept India. Three years in May
1974 later India directed its first nuclear test leading to pride in India but
causing damage to India’s reputation as a peace-loving nation.[30]
The nuclear testing also caused consternation in Pakistan as the idea of a
nuclear powered India moved the South Asian region towards a possible nuclear
war. India refused to sign the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty a refusal that
led to the development of nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. The Indian
move towards nuclear weaponry appeared problematic as anti-poverty measures of
the Indira Gandhi government failed in alleviating poverty.
 |
| Mrs. Gandhi at the Pokhran Nuclear Testing site in 1974. From:https://revisitingindia.com |
In 1974 India acquired the state of
Sikkim. Sikkim operated as a “quasi-independent” state with its own flag, currency,
and monarch known as the Chogyal. The Chogal asked India for aid in
putting down a rebellion, and instead, India encouraged the rebellion
further. After the election the
pro-Indian party won forcing abdication on the Chogyal. [31]While
a seemingly minor affair compared with the Indo-Pakistan
War of 1971 this example still illustrates Indira’s use of the military in
solving international disputes which appear
as a major departure from the non-violent ideals of Mohandas Gandhi.
 |
| Sikkim. From: https://newsin.asia |
In 1975 Indira declared a state of
emergency and Indian democracy faced its greatest challenge. Due to electoral
irregularities the High Court of Allahabad declared her election as MP invalid
and barred her from office for six years.[32]
In response Prime Minister Gandhi declared a state of emergency. Newspapers
were closed down and opposition politicians were arrested and jailed. As the
emergency dragged onward Indira was faced with protests erringly similar to the
protests the British faced. On November
14, 1975 a group calling itself the People’s Struggle Committee organized a satyagraha in Bombay on the birthday of
her father Jawaharlal Nehru.[33]
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| http://vsktelangana.org/reminding-the-real-emergency/ |
Prime Minister Gandhi promoted the
Emergency as a “programme of national
regeneration.”[34]She
announced a twenty-point economic plan with incentives including cancellation
of debts, land reform, tax reforms, and price controls.While her plan appealed
to many the Indian states lacked the infrastructure necessary for her reforms. At
the urging of her younger son Sanjay, the government began a series of slum
clearances and population controls. Widespread forced sterilizations began in the villages. In Muzaffarnagar, Utter
Pradesh fighting broke out between police and sterilization
victims and more than fifty killed after fired.[35]
Government employees such as teachers, police
officers, doctors, and nurses were only paid their wages unless they
recruited a certain number of men or women for sterilization.[36]
Despite promises the economic plans did nothing to alleviate poverty and the
sterilization strategies had no impact on the population growth.
In scenes reminiscent of the worst excesses of the Brtish Raj opposition
opponents faced torture and jail. But the poor suffered the greatest
indignities. Beatification campaigns in Old Delhi destroyed the homes of over
70,000 mostly Muslim poor residents. Residents and shop owners were at times
only given 45 minutes for clearing their shops or homes.[37]
The Emergency ended in 1977 with a call
for new elections. The Emergency stands in stark contrast to Mohandas Gandhi’s
call for swaraj
and the uplift of the poor or sarvodaya. The use of satyagraha against
her crackdown on democracy bears a sharp contrast. Indira justified the
Emergency and the press crackdowns saying,
You know I have
always believed in freedom of the press and I still do, but like all freedoms
it has to be exercised with responsibility and restraint. In situations of
internal disturbances whether they be language or communal riots, grave
mischief has been done by irresponsible
writing. [38]
Indira lost the election to the Janata
Party and Indira worked at winning voters among the poor. The Janata party
proved to be incompetent in power and Indira Gandhi returned to power in 1980.
In her last term in office Gandhi’s most vexing problem was rising Sikh
separatism in the Punjab state. Punjab became the scene of assassinations and acts of terrorism as
bombings and shootings became the norm. Indira and the Congress Party used the
communal disputes as an opportunity for securing support in Punjab. At the
center of the disputes was a Sikh Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale.[39]
Reportedly Indira’s son Sanjay Gandhi
built Bhindranwale up as an alternative to the ruling party in Punjab.[40]
But Bhindranwale refused to be a tool for
Congress or any other party. He gathered a following of like-minded Sikhs and took up residence in the Golden Temple where
he planned acts of terrorism.
 |
| Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale at the Golden Temple (2nd from the left) |
 |
| Operation Bluestar From Indianexpress.com |
After assassinations
and attacks the Prime Minister ordered the launch of Operation Bluestar. Operation
Bluestar was a military campaign with te plan of driving Sikh militants and
terrorists out of the Golden Temple. Using tanks the Indian Army attacked the
temple at dawn damaging the temple complex and killing soldiers and terrorists.
Sikh general Kuldip Singh Brar said of Operation Bluestar, “The army was used
to finish a problem created by the government. This
is the kind of action that is going to ruin the army”.[41]
Operation Bluestar alienated the Sikh
community throughout India. Sikh soldiers deserted and distinguished Sikhs returned their medals and awards.[42]Instead
of seeking reconciliation and peace with
the Sikh community Indira commanded the annihilation of the Sikh succession movement by the army. The
aftershocks of Operation Bluestar were costly. Friends and allies warned Prime Minister Gandhi that she needed new bodyguards
as her bodyguards were Sikh. But Mrs. Gandhi rejected any suggestion at firing
her Sikh bodyguards. Her reply was, “Aren't we secular?” But on October 31, 1984
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was shot by her security guards, Satwant Singh and
Beant Singh. Both admitted that their motive was revenge for Operation
Bluestar. The Prime Minister had died
before she arrived at the hospital. That same day her son Rajiv Gandhi took the
oath as the new Prime Minister.[ii]Sadly
for Sikhs the violence continued as Delhi
broke out in communal violence. Mobs broke out throughout
the capital shouting, ‘Finish off the sardars’
and Kill the ‘traitors.[43]’
Within a week more than a thousand Sikhs were killed in Delhi. Low caste mobs
led by Congress politicians egged the mobs on
towards more violence. The police stood aside while the mobs raged.
Indira Gandhi did not hesitate the use
of power politics against her political enemies. The state of emergency was a
demonstration her willingness to leave the bounds of democracy against any
perceived enemy. She also did not hesitate in the use of military force if she
believed the security of India was at stake. She also placed India in a
position of taking the nation’s place among nuclear powers. Her desire for
Indian greatness necessitated India possessing nuclear weapons in spite the
appearance of a conflict with the ideals of Gandhi. Finally, her conflict with
Sikh militants was an effort to combat internal domestic enemies, but the use
of force was also a political tool with the intention of bolstering Congress in
the elections. Her willingness to use force as a political tool stands in
contrast to the principles put forth by Mohandas Gandhi. This use of force
eventually claimed her as a victim as well.
Indira Gandhi was among the most
powerful political figures in the history of India. Her long participation in
the Indian Independence Movement places her in close and often intimate
proximity to Mohandas Gandhi. Her close working relationship with her father Jawaharlal Nehru points to her immediacy to the
man widely regarded as India’s greatest
Prime Minister. But Indira Gandhi is one of the most controversial politicians
in the history of India. One would expect that she’d reflect the concerns of swaraj
and sarvodaya as expressed by Gandhi. Prime
Minister Gandhi reflects the concerns of an ordinary politician struggling for power.
She never hesitated at using power
politics as a tool for holding onto power. Her desire for passing her power
onto her sons reflects the ideals of an autocratic
ruler.
In many ways Indira Gandhi is very
similar to a utilitarian since she is very pragmatic in her politics and acts
for the greatest good for the greatest number. In this way she is very
different than Mohandas Gandhi who was an idealist who was never satisfied with
only helping the majority. Mrs. Gandhi settles for compromises. She explains
this in her memoir My Truth when she
says,
A person who is
turning a wheel or a lathe has no relationship with the factory. This is where the conflict arises with some
people who claim that we are not following Gandhiji’s ideas completely. In
today’s world you cannot develop the
village without industry. If we don’t industrialize, how can we safeguard our
freedom? [45]
The
ideals of Mohandas Gandhi were likely never far from the mind from the thoughts
of Indira Gandhi. But she was no idealist like Gandhi but a hardened powerful
politician willing to break the rules. Her legacy as one of the strongest and
most controversial Prime Minister of India is an assurance in history.
 |
| Rajiv Gandhi son of Indira who became Prime Minister after the assassination of his mother |
Endnotes
[1] Rajmohan Gandhi. Gandhi The Man, His People, and
the Empire. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press,
2007),143-144.
[2] Ibid., 144.
[3] Judith M Brown. Modern India: The Origins of an Asian
Democracy. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994),215.
[4 Mahatma Gandhi. Selected
Political Writings. (Indianapolis/Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company,
1996),99 .
[5] Ibid., 99.
[6] Ibid., 100.
[7 Ibid., 110.
[8 Ibid., 114.
[9] Brown, Modern India, 214.
[10] Ramin
Jahanbegloo. The Gandhian Moment.
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013),20.
[11] Mahatma Gandhi. Selected Political Writings, 55.
[12] Ibid., 56.
[13] Jahanbegloo.
The Ghandhian Moment, 25.
[14] Stuart Gray and Thomas M.
Hughes. "Gandhi's Devotional Political Thought." Philosophy East & West, Vol. 65, no. 2, (Apr. 2015): 375-400,
accessed Apr. 16, 2017. Berkeley Electronic Press
[15] Rajmohan
Gandhi. Gandhi
The Man, His People, and the Empire, 125.
[16]Jahanbegloo. The Ghandhian Moment, 86.
[17] Mahatma Gandhi Selected Political Writings,136.
[18] Jahanbegloo.
The Ghandhian Moment,87.
[19] Mahatma Gandhi Selected Political Writings,141-142.
[20] Srinath Raghavan. "Indira
Gandhi." In Makers of Modern Asia,
edited by Ramachandra Guha, 213-43. (Indianapolis/Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 2014),217.
[21]
Katherine
Frank. Indira: The Life of Indira Nehru
Gandhi. (New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2002),15.
[22] Ibid., 175.
[23] Indira Gandhi. My Truth. (New Delhi: Vision Books,
1980), 54-55.
[24]
A.G. Noorani. “Indira
Gandhi and Indian Muslims.” Economic and
Political Weekly, vol. 25, no. 44 (1990): pp. 2417–2420., www.jstor.org/stable/4396930.
[25]
Paul R. Brass. The Politics of India since Independence.
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 237.
[26]
Frank. Indira:
The Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi, 325.
[28] Brass. The Politics of India since Independence, 297.
[29]
Mahatma
Gandhi Selected Political Writings,99.
[30] Raghavan.
"Indira Gandhi." In Makers of
Modern Asia, 237
[31]
Ramachandra Guha. Gandhi
Before India. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2013),483-484.
[32] Frank. Indira: The Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi, 377.
[33] Ibid., 505.
[34] Ibid., 390.
[35] Guha, India After Gandhi, 516.
[36] Frank. Indira: The Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi,406.
[37] Ibid., 403
[38] Indira Gandhi. My Truth, 142.
[39] Joginder Singh. "Sikhs in
Independent India." In The Oxford
Handbook of Sikh Studies, edited by Pashaura Singh and Louis E. Fenech,
82-93. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 91.
[40] Guha. Gandhi
Before India, 559.
[41] Ibid., 568.
[42] Singh.
"Sikhs in Independent India." In The
Oxford Handbook of Sikh Studies, 91.
[43] Guha. Gandhi
Before India, 571.
Brass, Paul R. The Politics of India
since Independence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
Brown, Judith M. Modern India: The
Origins of an Asian Democracy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994.
Engineer,
Asghar A. "A Perspective on Hindu-Muslim Conflict." In Democracy in
India: A Hollow Shell, edited by Arthur Bonner, 113-43. Washington: American
University Press, 1994.
Frank, Katherine. Indira: The Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi. New York: Houghton Mifflin
Harcourt, 2002
Gandhi,
Indira. My Truth. New Delhi: Vision
Books, 1980.
Gandhi,
Mahatma. Selected Political Writings.
Indianapolis/Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company, 1996. (This work is a compilation of different works by Gandi. The endnotes should have reflected each individual work.)
Gandhi, Rajmohan. Gandhi The Man, His People, and
the Empire. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2007.
Gray, Stuart, and Thomas M. Hughes.
"Gandhi's Devotional Political Thought." Philosophy East & West,
vol. 65, no. 2, Apr. 2015, pp. 375-400. Berkeley Electronic Press. Accessed 16
Apr. 2017.
Guha, Ramachandra. Gandhi
Before India. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2013.
Guha, Ramachandra. India After Gandhi. London: Macmillan,
2007.
Hankla, Charles R. "Party Linkages
and Economic Policy: An Examination of Indira Gandhi's India." Business
& Politics 8, no. 3 (2006): 1-29.
Jahanbegloo, Ramin. The
Gandhian Moment. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013.
"Loved, hated,
admired: The enduring legacy of Indira Gandhi." The Hindu, 29 Oct. 2009.
Noorani, A. G. “Indira Gandhi and Indian
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