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| From SikhNet |
Punjabi Sikhs are an important ethnic and religious group from northwest India. Known for their hard work and distinctive religious ideas, Sikhs are found throughout the world. This paper aims to explore the history and historiography of Punjabi Sikh immigration within the British Empire and into the United Kingdom and the United States. While Sikhs reside in nations throughout the world, the boundaries of this short paper prevent a complete examination of the large scope of Punjabi migration.
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| From Rotten Tomatoes |
In 2002, a small independent film featuring a Sikh Punjabi teen and her love for soccer caught the attention of the movie-going public. Bend It like Beckham was a film about a British Asian girl, Jesminder Bhamra, or “Jess,” who loves soccer and adores English soccer star, David Beckham. The film features the conflict the young protagonist feels between the traditions of her Sikh Punjabi family and the majority of British culture. Much of the movie reflects the experience of its director Gurinder Chadha and her life growing up in West London. As a Punjabi girl in England, Chadha felt torn between her identity as an Indian and her British nationality.[1] The film 11 million pounds in the UK while earning over 76 million dollars worldwide.[2] The success of Bend It Like Beckham places a Punjabi Sikh family at the center of the film and introduces many to a religious and ethnic group unknown to many in the West. While the appeal of the movie lies in the struggle of its protagonist to balance her dedication to her family with her love for sport, the film has another significance as it demonstrates the impact of immigration from South Asia. This paper aims to explore the history and historiography of Punjabi Sikh immigration with its roots in the British Empire.
The Punjab, ruled by the Sikh ruler
Maharaja Ranjit Singh, faced internal conflict and two wars with the British
resulting in the British annexation of the Punjab. Migration became a central
role in the life of Sikhs as demonstrated by the relocation of the young heir
of Ranjit Singh, Duleep Singh, to Britain. Rozina Visram provides a complete
survey of the Asian community in Britain and details how Duleep Singh was the
first step in a century of Punjabi migration into Britain.[3]
The young Maharaja lived like an English lord on his estate, Elveden but
eventually grew disillusioned with his situation, rejected British authority, and
died in exile in Paris.
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| Maharaja Duleep Singh (from Wikipedia) |
Punjabi migration began to become a
pattern by the later decades of the Nineteenth Century as many Sikhs entered
police or military service. Historian of Sikh History, W.H. McLeod also identifies
a centuries-old commercial network of trading castes spreading to different
parts of India. This network consists primarily of the Khatri caste, and their
business enterprises extended the Sikh presence throughout the subcontinent. Larger
migration patterns originated from rural Punjab as unskilled workers entered
the military with the expectation of migrants returning home.[4] Malcolm
Lyall Darling was a British civil servant concerned with the cycle of ever-increasing
debt many Punjabi farmers found themselves. Darling believed that continual
debt fueled poverty and contributed to migration.[5]
Darling also proposed that the Jat custom of subdividing land inheritances left
many Punjabis with little ability to earn a profit from their small
landholdings, which put them further into debt. With limited choices, the
Punjabi peasant sought an alternative in the military or migration overseas. Many
Sikhs sought migration to the United States or Australia, but many traveled to
Africa after those countries closed the door to Indians.[6]
McLeod agrees with Darling regarding the problem of land division as a problem
in the Punjab but believes that Darling’s answer is insufficient because the
answer is more than poverty since the impoverished lacked the means to
relocate. McLeod surmises that the decision to migrate was often a family
decision made prior to dividing the land. Many of the men who relocated made
their decisions with the goal of returning in the future. McLeod uses the
experience of Sikhs in New Zealand as a comparison. Many Sikhs arrived in New
Zealand soon after World War I with the plan to return but remained as they
obtained farms and established roots.[7]
For many Punjabi Sikhs, the first
experience of overseas travel was recruitment in the military. Sikhs were a desirable
group for military recruitment as most British military leaders assumed the
theory that certain ethnicities were naturally martial races. Colonial authorities
believed that other Indians from the south lacked inherent martial abilities,
while Gurkhas and Sikhs were natural warriors.
While the idea of martial races fit within the racial ideas of the later
Nineteenth and early Twentieth Centuries, Thomas Metcalf argues that race
played little role in recruitment in the Punjab after 1857.
The initial
recruitment of so-called martial races, however, had little to do with race
theory of any sort. Rather it was a pragmatic response to the mutinous behavior
of the Bengal Army. Those who rallied to the British cause, for whatever
reasons of their own, such as Punjabi Sikhs and Nepali Gurkhas, won favorable
commendation at the time and subsequently secured a preferential entry into the
reorganized Indian Army.[8]
The critical role Sikhs played in the
army furnished the British with a source of troops in their Empire and provided
Sikhs with a familiarity with the world outside India. After their enlistment
period, most Sikh soldiers returned home, but a minority decided to return home
but a minority elected to remain in British Asian colonies such as Malaya.
Still, others decided to journey to Australia, America, or Canada. As migrants
arrived in each location, word reached the villages of Punjab, encouraging
others to proceed to the new locations.[9] N.
Gerald Barrier refers to this migration as the first wave of Sikh immigration
as Sikh troops traveled to British possessions in Asia such as Burma, Malaya,
and Hong Kong with the largest group residing in Malaya. Other Sikhs settled in
East Africa around 1900, with Ramgarhias working on the railroad and Jats
remaining after serving in the military.[10]
The last segment of this first wave landed on the west coast of North America
as mostly former soldiers became the first to migrate to Canada and the United
States. Among the first Sikhs to enter Canada journeyed from Hong Kong, to
Vancouver for celebrations around the Coronation of Edward VII in 1902. Others
journeyed to the American states of California, Oregon, and Washington.[11]
Dutch historian Gijsbert Oonk also recognizes
Indian migration in different waves or patterns. He identifies the first phase
as the trade diaspora as traders set out for trade and business opportunities.
Most of these travelers settled abroad temporarily and often moved as trade
prospects changed. Oonk identifies the second current as indentured laborers
who often replaced the enslaved workers as colonies transitioned to free labor.
At the same time, many Indians went abroad to serve in British colonies as
clerks and teachers serving colonial governments.[12] These
waves of migration identified by Oonk correlate with the stationing and
resettling of Punjabi Sikh troops in different sections of the British Empire.
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| The Metro. French woman places a flower on the uniform of an Indian soldier. 2nd Lancers Regiment. (from Medium.com) |
Sikhs settling in Canada faced backlash
as they encountered racism and xenophobia. From 1904 to 1908, about 5200 Indian
immigrants arrived in British Columbia, of which 80-85% were Sikh, while the
rest were Hindu or Muslim Punjabi.[13] The
backlash against the presence of Sikhs and other Indians was fierce and
developed into a ban on continued Indian migration into British Columbia in
1908. Britain hesitated to interfere in their white settler colonies against
their Asian colonies. The government desired a closer relationship with the
white settlers and sympathized, who feared of a takeover from Asian culture. As
early as 1897, Joseph Chamberlain, Secretary of State for the Colonies, told
colonial premiers,
We quite sympathise with the determination of
the white inhabitants of these colonies which are in comparatively close
proximity to hundreds of millions of Asiatics that there should not be an
influx of people alien in civilisation, alien in religion, alien in customs,
whose influx moreover would most seriously interfere with the legitimate rights
of the existing labour population . . . but we ask you also to bear in mind the
traditions of the Empire, which make no distinction in favour of or against
race or colour.[14]
Rachel Bright maintains that for the white
settlers at the center of their rights within a liberal society were the
elements of Britishness and whiteness, “and the occasional conflict between
these two identities, in part, depended on an Asian ‘other’ which captured
settler imaginations.” According to Bird, the racial attitudes within the white
settler colonies posed a threat to the unity within the British Empire.[15] The
prohibition against Indian migration into Canada proved very effective as only
six immigrants from arrived in 1908 when the legislation took effect. The 1907
immigration numbers only passed 1907 in 1967 when the relaxation of immigration
laws allowed more Indians to migrate into Canada.[16]
But with the doors closed to further
immigration into Canada from India, Sikhs began to organize their own
institutions, such as the Khalsa Diwan
Society in 1907 and the first gurdwara
in Vancouver in 1908. Narinder Singh maintains that racial opposition and
growing resentment pulled Punjabis of different religious traditions together
as the gurdwara became a gathering
place and center of collective action of all Punjabis.[17]
Sikhs continued to face discrimination and possessed no voting force in British
Columbia. Canadian Indians also faced the problem of an inability to visit
their homeland since once they departed Canada, the government barred their
reentry. In 1908, the Canadian government proposed removing all Indian settlers
to British Honduras. Strong opposition from Sikhs and negotiations led by the Khalsa Diwan Society prevented deportation from Canada. In 1913, the Society
later petitioned the government in London and the Indian government to remove
the punitive immigration restrictions. After negotiations, most of the
restrictions remained, but wives and children received permission for entry
into Canada. [18]
The disruption and disunity within the
Empire described by Bird due to the racial attitudes of white settlers bore
fruit within Canada. In 1914, the ship Komagata
Maru docked in the port of Vancouver. On board were 376 Indians who were
all Sikhs but thirty. The Canadian government refused the Indians entry into
the country. Negotiations led nowhere and the ship left Vancouver after two
months in dock. James Chadney echoes the conclusion of Bird and points out that
the conflict over the Komagata Maru reinforced Sikh and Indian conclusions that
their status was second class.[19]
Sikhs migrated to the west coast of the
United States in the early years of the Twentieth Century and faced similar
opposition as their fellow Punjabis encountered in British Columbia. The
majority of the Punjabi migrants into the west coast found livelihoods in the
agricultural communities. The preponderance of these Punjabis was Sikhs,
although there were also Muslims and Hindus. The majority settled within the
Imperial Valley along the southern border of California and experienced the
American government's problematic issue of not allowing the entry of wives and
children. White Americans long expressed racial prejudice against Chinese and
Japanese immigrants and Indians faced similar discrimination. Most of the
emigrants were former soldiers from central Punjab and journeyed to California
for economic opportunities. Karen Isaksen Leonard describes these new
immigrants' choices when they chose to remain in California. Racial
discrimination led many Indians to live within foreign and Hispanic
neighborhoods. Because of their similar skin complexions, Punjabi settlers
chose to marry Mexican American women. While the children of these nuptials
shared the Roman Catholic faith of their mothers, marriages with Mexican
Americans allowed the Punjabis to own land through their wives and children.[20] This community remained important in the
Imperial Valley, known as the Mexican-Hindus. Due to the lack of continued
immigration from India because of strict immigration laws the culture lost its Asian
distinctiveness. The descendants mostly identified themselves with their
Hispanic heritage.[21] With
the advent of American immigration reform in 1965, Punjabi Sikhs and other
Indians began to immigrate to the United States in increasing numbers. Between
1965 and 1985, Indian residents of the U.S. grew from 15,000 to 500,000.[22] California hosted the largest number of Sikhs,
with most initially settling in largely agricultural Yuba City, California. [23] Since
immigration reform, Sikhs spread throughout the U.S., with over 200 gurdwaras
scattered in 40 states and the District of Columbia.[24]
 |
| "Group of Sikh immigrants, Angel Island, 1910 courtesy of California State Parks" (from: sikhfoundation.org) |
Barrier describes the post-World War II
period as the second wave of Sikh immigration, which saw many migrants settle
in Britain.[25]
Punjabi migrants arrived in Britain as the nation faced serious labor
shortages. Many of the first Punjabi Sikhs migrated to west London when the R
Woolf rubber factory manager in Hayes remembered the work ethic of the Sikh
troops under his command. Responding to opportunities for work, mostly Sikh men
settled in nearby Southall due to the affordable nature of the neighborhood.[26]
Most of these migrants originated from central and northeastern Punjab, primarily
from Jullundur and Hoshiarpur. According to Sandhya Shukla, the similarities in
origins created a homogeneity that encouraged the arriving Punjabis to gather
with other Punjabis. Family connections and religious affiliation brought
comfort within the Southall neighborhood.[27] Many
of these migrants previously served the Empire in the Indian Army, which served
as a badge of honor. Most of the early migrants were men, as many planned to
return to India after saving a large income. This goal led to much of the early
Punjabi migrant experience centered around pubs and men’s boarding houses. The
boarding houses were overcrowded, and many only used for eating and sleeping.
Often men from different factory shifts shared the same bed.[28] In 1962, the Commonwealth Immigrants Act
greatly limited immigration from India, but the population of Southall
continued to grow as new migrants hurried to arrive before implementation of
the Act, and relatives, dependents, and new marriages continued to see the
number of Punjabis increase in west London.[29]
 |
| London's Southall (from The Guardian) |
In the 1960s, Punjabi Sikh communities
also began to grow in the central English cities of Birmingham and Wolverhampton,
with specialty shops, restaurants, and gurdwaras rising in what were once
strictly English enclaves. Most of the Sikh migrants were of the Jat caste and
gained a reputation for hard work and heavy drinkers.[30] The
Sikh fame for hard work was earned on the farmlands of the Punjab as well as
the Indian Army under British officers. Despite new the new law limiting
immigration, Punjabi communities continued to grow as employers in the Midlands
and Northern England still faced severe labor shortages and pushed for vouchers
for new immigrants and their families.[31]
Roger Ballard agrees with Shukla regarding the comfort achieved through a
growing Sikh community. The earliest Punjabis in Britain looked forward to
returning to the Punjab. Therefore families only prevented the men from saving
money. But as the men felt more comfortable in Britain and wives joined their
husbands, Sikhs became settlers in England and reproduced many of the practices
and religious institutions of the Punjab. Ballard points out the changes Sikhs
brought saying,
But just like so
many other migrants elsewhere, most stayed on for much longer than they
originally intended. On the one hand, they were attracted by the prospect of
continuing to earn good money; and on the other hand, they gradually began to
feel relaxed about the prospect of staying overseas permanently. But the
Britain about which they began to feel more comfortable was not an English
Britain. As local Sikh colonies grew in size, many of the social and cultural
styles, institutions of the Punjab began to be reproduced. Perhaps most
importantly of all, Britain became an arena for status competition. With this
it ceased to be a cultural and social no-man’s-land, where all gratification
was deferred against an eventual return. Instead it was transformed into an
arena for social interaction that was every bit as lively as the villages left
behind. As a result, and almost unbeknownst to themselves, sojourners were
gradually being transformed into settlers.[32]
Oonk identifies a fourth wave of Indian
migrants following the breakup of the British Empire. This group of Indians
left their homes in the new nations of independent Africa and migrated to
Britain since many possessed British passports. These migrants brought more
ethnic diversity as many originated from different regions of India, including
Punjabis. During the sixties and seventies, these emigrants arrived as many
faced expulsion from east Africa. This diverse group contained traders,
laborers, as well as professionals.[33] While
most of the immigrant Sikhs during the fifties were Jats, the Sikh migrants
during the fourth phase brought increased caste diversity into the Sikh
community. Ramgarhias, Khatris, Chamars, Nais, and others settled in Britain.
Large numbers of Ramgarhia Sikhs came from Africa. This artisan caste
originally settled in Africa to work on the railway. They eventually served in
an intermediate managerial position underneath British supervisors. As African
nations achieved independence, many Sikhs felt that their only option was
relocation to Britain.[34]
In the 1990s, another smaller wave of
Sikh immigrants relocated from Afghanistan. Afghani Sikhs relocated to
Southall, where they established their own gurdwara.
Along with an assortment of visa over stays, illegals migrants, and asylum
seekers as well as family unification, the Punjabi population continues to
grow.[35] Both
Eleanor Nesbitt and Roger Ballard agree that while the Sikh community appears
uniform to the outsider, the different waves of migration and caste differences
remain areas of division. While Ballard acknowledges the comfort of an ethnic
community, he also points to the disunity within Sikhs. Ballard proposes that
the most critical cause of Sikh disunity is caste differences. While Guru Nanak
disavowed caste, division by caste remains a central concern for many Sikhs,
although it becomes less important for younger British-born generations. Further,
Ballard points out that while urban employment weakens caste, kinship ties and
employment similar to caste designations divide the community.[36] Nesbitt
maintains that Sikh migration was diverse from the beginning as each wave of Sikh
migration involved different social and hereditary groupings, which increased
the variety of the Sikh community.[37]
As new Punjabi generations develop in
Britain, the question of national identity rises to the forefront. Do the
children and grandchildren of the arriving generation primarily hold to their
ethnic identity or their nationality as British citizens? Kathleen Hall discusses this question noting
that the colonial ties between imperial rulers and subjects changed into a
question of racial justice between citizens. She maintains that any study of
Sikh ethnography must account for the transformation of Britain into a
multiracial and postcolonial nation.[38] In
2008, the British government required an understanding of basic English for
future citizens and tests on history and culture in an attempt to put the
importance of the "British way of life" at the center of the
naturalization process.[39] As
each new Punjabi generation emerges in Britain, new generations find themselves
more comfortable with English than speaking Punjabi. British born Sikhs tend to
lack the ability to read Gurmukhi even if they remain competent in speaking the
language. Eleanor Nesbitt proposes that in addition to language, the decision
of many Sikhs not to wear all or any Sikh religious items such as the turban
lessens the barrier between the minority and majority populations. But with the
passing of years, most white Britons adjusted to the appearance of turbans and
uncut beards.[40]
The variety of religious observance of the Sikh populace within both Britain
and the U.S. also reinforces the disunity which both Nesbitt and Ballard
acknowledge.
Through the successive waves of Punjabi
Sikh migration lies the history of the British Empire. The prominent position
of Sikh soldiers within the imperial Empire allowed village Sikhs to experience
new surroundings and cultures. Soon after the annexation of Punjab into British
India, Sikhs moved within India and all the corners of the Empire. The good
standing of Sikhs within the military is a primary cause of their recruitment
into British industry. Succeeding generations grew more comfortable of their
status with Western society, yet discrimination based on race continued.
Initially, many found that discrimination continued as many cast-off their
turbans and uncut hair, but Britain and other countries have begun an
adjustment to Indian citizens. Early generations fought battles for the right
for observant Sikhs to express their religion and, its not uncommon to see
younger Western Sikhs returning to their spiritual traditions.[41]
Gurdwara Sri Guru Singh Sabha Southall; largest Sikh Gurdwara in Britain (from The Independent)
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[1] Rajpreet
Heir, “Bend It Like Beckham and the
Art of Balancing Cultures,” The Atlantic,
April 12, 2017, https://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2017/04/bend-it-like-beckham-and-the-art-of-balancing-cultures/522477/
[2] “Bend It Like Beckham,” IMDB, https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0286499/
[3]
Rozina Visram, Asians in Britain: 400
Years of History, (London: Pluto Press, 2002), 99-100.
[4]
W.H. McLeod, “First 40 Years of Sikh Migration,” in The Sikh Diaspora: Migration and the Experience Beyond Punjab, eds. N. Gerald Barrier and Verne
A. Dusenbery (Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1989), 34-35.
[5] Malcolm Lyall Darling, The
Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt, (London: Oxford University Press,
1925), 26, https://indianculture.gov.in/rarebooks/punjab-peasant-prosperity-and-debt
[6] Malcolm
Lyall Darling, Rusticus Loquitur, or, The
Old Light and The New in the Punjab Village, (London: Oxford University
Press, 1930), 28-29, https://ia903206.us.archive.org/10/items/in.ernet.dli.2015.84175/2015.84175.Rusticus-Loquitur-Or-The-Old-Light-And-The-New-In-The-Punjab-Village.pdf
[7]
McLeod, “First 40 Years of Sikh Migration,” in The Sikh Diaspora: Migration and the Experience Beyond Punjab,
36-37.
[8] Thomas R. Metcalf, Imperial Connections: India in the Indian Ocean Arena, 1860-1920,
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), 72, https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/j.ctt1pnz08?turn_away=true
[9] McLeod,
“First 40 Years of Sikh Migration,” in The
Sikh Diaspora: Migration and the Experience Beyond Punjab, 44.
[10]
N. Gerald Barrier, “Sikh Emigrants and Their Homeland,” in The Sikh Diaspora: Migration and the Experience Beyond Punjab, eds.
N. Gerald Barrier and Verne A. Dusenbery (Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1989),
65-67.
[11] N.
Gerald Barrier, “Sikh Emigrants and Their Homeland,” in The Sikh Diaspora:
Migration and the Experience Beyond Punjab, 69.
[12]Gijsbert
Oonk, Global Indian Diasporas: Exploring
Trajectories of Migration and Theory, (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University
Press, 2007), 11. URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt46n1bq.4
[13]
Norman Buchignani, “Contemporary Research on People of Indian Origin in
Canada,” Sociological Bulletin 38,
no.1 (March 1989): 71, https://www.jstor.org/stable/23619917
.
[14]
Rachel Bird, “Asian migration and the British World, c. 1850–c. 1914,” in Empire, migration and identity in the
British World, eds. Kent Fedorowich and Andrew S. Thompson, (Manchester: Manchester
University Press, 2015), 137, URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt18mvn04.12
[15]
Bird, “Asian migration and the British World, c. 1850–c. 1914,” in Empire, migration and identity in the
British World, 128.
[16] James
G. Chadney, “The Formation of Ethnic Communities: Lessons from the Vancouver
Sikhs,” in The Sikh Diaspora: Migration
and the Experience Beyond Punjab, eds. N. Gerald Barrier and Verne A.
Dusenbery (Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1989), 187.
[17]
Gurinder Singh,” Canadian Sikh Identity,” in Punjabi Identity in a Global Context, eds. Pritam Singh and Shinder
Singh Thandi, (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999), 390.
[18] Gurinder
Singh,” Canadian Sikh Identity,” in Punjabi
Identity in a Global Context, 391-392.
[19]
James G. Chadney, “The Formation of Ethnic Communities: Lessons from the
Vancouver Sikhs,” in The Sikh Diaspora: Migration and the Experience
Beyond Punjab, 187-188.
[20] Karen
Isaksen Leonard, Making Ethnic Choices:
California’s Punjabi Mexican Americans, (Philadelphia: Temple University
Press, 1992), 62-63.
[21]
Leonard, Making Ethnic Choices:
California’s Punjabi Mexican Americans, 201.
[22] Margaret
A. Gibson, “Punjabi Orchard Farmers: An Immigrant Enclave in Rural California,”
The International Migration Review 22, no. 1 (Spring 1988): 28. URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2546395
[23] Juan
L. Gonzales Jr., “Asian Indian Immigration Patterns: The Origins of the Sikh
Community in California,” The
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[24]
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[25] N.
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[26] Vivek
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4, 2018, https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2018/apr/04/how-london-southall-became-little-punjab-
[27] Sandhya
Shukla, India Abroad: Diasporic Cultures
of Postwar America and England, (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
2003), 92.
[28] Arthur
W Helweg, “Punjab Farmers: Twenty Years in England,” India International Centre Quarterly 5, no. 1 (January 1978): 16. URL:
https://www.jstor.org/stable/23001628
[29] Shukla,
India Abroad: Diasporic Cultures of
Postwar America and England, 93.
[30] Helweg,
“Punjab Farmers: Twenty Years in England,” India
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