 |
| From the Guardian: How London's Southall became 'Little Punjab' |
Immigration is a continued phenomenon impacting ethnicities and nations worldwide. The migration of different groups and religions produces large diaspora communities. Migration to the West from the Global south resulted in increased diversity within Western countries. Diaspora communities often hold an attachment for their homeland and remain involved in political and religious issues in the home nation. Punjabi Sikhs residing outside India continue to express concern and involvement in the affairs of the Punjab state. The Punjab has a religious hold on the minds of most diaspora Sikhs as the origin of their religion and the location of their holiest site, The Golden Temple (also known as the Harmandir Sahib). Many Diaspora Sikhs make regular journeys to the Punjab to renew family ties and religious pilgrimages. Canada, England, and the United States all maintain a large population of Punjabi Sikhs. Among the most pressing issue for many Sikhs is the question of Punjabi national sovereignty. The desire for an independent Khalistan receives much of its current publicity from diaspora Sikhs. Britain remains the home of a large Sikh population with significant population centers in west London, Gravesend, and Birmingham. This paper aims to examine Punjabi Sikh nationalism and the rise of the push for a Khalistan state within the Punjabi diaspora of Britain and its interaction with the events within India.
Punjabi migrants began to arrive to
Britain as the British faced serious labor shortages. Many of the first Punjabi
Sikhs migrated to west London when the manager of a rubber factory in west
London remembered the work ethic of the Sikh troops under his command.
Responding to opportunities for work mostly Sikh men settled in nearby Southall
in Ealing borough due to a lower cost of living.[1] Most of these migrants
originated from Jullundur and Hoshiarpur within the Punjab. These earlier
arrivals saw the arrival of Ramgharia
Sikhs, who left former British colonies in Africa, following political
upheavals in the 1970s.[2] Similarities in origins
created a homogeneousness that encouraged the arriving Punjabis to gather with
other Punjabis. Family connections and religious affiliation brought security and
assurance for the new migrants.[3] In 1962, the Commonwealth
Immigrants Act greatly limited immigration from India, but the population of
Southall continued to grow as new migrants hurried to arrive before
implementation of the Act and relatives, dependents, and new marriages contributed
to the growing population of Punjabis in west London.[4]
The Punjab from Pioneering Punjabis Digital Archive
https://pioneeringpunjabis.ucdavis.edu/
In the 1960s, Punjabi Sikh communities
also began to grow in the central English cities of Birmingham and
Wolverhampton with Indian shops, restaurants, and gurdwaras rising in what were
once strictly English districts. Most of the Sikh migrants were of the Jat caste with a repute for hard work and
heavy drinking.[5] The Sikh renown for hard work originated from
the farmlands of the Punjab as well as the Indian Army. Despite legislation
limiting immigration, Punjabi communities steadily grew as businesses in the
Midlands and Northern England faced grave labor deficiencies and lobbied the
government for immigration vouchers for Punjabi employees and their families.[6]
The vast majority of Sikhs are Punjabi and
share a common language and unique alphabet. Many of the succeeding diasporic generations
have some familiarity with the spoken language, while many struggles with the Gurmukhī
script. Sikhs also share an association with the Punjabi homeland with the
Golden Temple in Amritsar serving as their holy city. The Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak
Committee (SGPC) serves a role similar to a political system, while the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) functions similarly as a
‘Sikh’ political party. Sikhs also share common ancestry myths dating back to
Guru Nanak and the founding of the Khalsa by Guru Gobind Singh in 1699.[7] The history of the Sikh
Empire under Maharaja Ranjit Singh still echoes with stories of heroism and
glory. Sikh symbols both religious and historical serve as constant reminders
of Sikh unity and legacy. The Khanda
is a common symbol with a double-edged sword with two kirpans over a circle
representing God without beginning or end. Religious symbols along with the
historical symbols of the Sikh empire have been used to serve as boundaries
between Sikhs and Hindus.[8] This common heritage and symbols serve to
unify Sikhs both inside and outside the Punjab. Even most sahajdhari Sikhs, who do not wear all five signs of the Khalsa take
pride in their Sikh legacy.
The Khanda from Wikipedia
The gurdwara remains the center of the
Sikh diaspora community within Britain. The recitation and the singing of the
Sikh Scriptures known as the Guru Granth
Sahib occupy most of the worship of the congregants. The nagar kirtan is a three-day ceremony
featuring the continuous reading of the Guru
Granth Sahib along with intense community activities. On the final day the
Scriptures are the center of a procession with five Khalsa Sikhs, the panj piyare
sweeping the streets as the Scriptures proceed before the community.[9] Vaisakhi is the holiest day in the Sikh calendar and the day see
large celebrations within the Sikh communities in Britain. Within the large
Sikh community in Southall, it is common to see 40,000 people crowd the
streets. Vaisakhi marks the
anniversary of Guru Gobind Singh laying the foundation of the Panth Khalsa by
baptizing five Sikhs known as the panj
piyar.[10]
A Nagar Kirtan procession is part of the parade as it proceeds through the
streets following five Sikhs armed with ceremonial swords. Food and drink is
available on the streets and within the langar within the gurdwara. It is
common to see several floats featuring Sikh war veterans displaying their medal
of valor.[11]
The impact of these processions and customs is evident as these regular
observances pass Sikh pride to younger generations and aid in preserving
religious beliefs.
from Trip AdvisorSri Guru Singh Sabha Gurdwara in Southall, West London
Besides regular religious celebrations, Sikh gurdwaras maintain services especially for young Sikhs. Many British gurdwaras offer amenities geared toward Sikh children and teens, such as Punjabi classes, specially organized children’s services, music classes, teaching in the main gurdwara aimed at children, and Sikh youth camps. Many of these classes fill a role in transferring Sikh ethnic consciousness to the young.[12] Some gurdwaras began to employ the use of translation software which projects a translation of the kirtan (sung scripture) or the hukamnama (religious edict) during the service. [13] Many younger Sikhs attend service in the gurdwara to connect with God or to relax after a hectic day. For Puran, a young Sikh teen class within the gurdwara effectively connected him to his religious and ethnic roots.
for a young person like myself at the time, it was really welcoming and it was so basic that everyone could understand … I started to get inspired ‘cos I started learning about Sikh history and I could see how much people had done for us to be able to stand here today as Sikhs … so that’s when I started to grow my hair.[14]
Sikh School from SikhNet
Sikh
immigration began soon after World War II, leading to generations of British-born Sikhs currently residing in the U.K. The ability of the community to pass
their faith and culture to a younger generation remains an important task for
the faith. Older generations' ability to focus their youth's attention toward
the concerns of the larger Sikh community impacts the future involvement of the
diaspora community in the religious and political struggles in India.
For many diasporic Sikhs, the idea
of an autonomous Sikh state was the outgrowth of the shared tradition and the
birthright of all Sikhs. But the idea of Khalistan emerged only in the
Twentieth Century, when a Sikh medical doctor, Dr. V.S. Bhatti of Ludhiana
proposed a Sikh state after the ALL India Muslim League passed the Lahore
Resolution on March 23, 1940, demanding the establishment of a separate state for
the Muslims of British India. Bhatti believed that a Punjabi Sikh state would
serve as a buffer between a Hindu India and a theocratic Muslim Pakistan.[15] But
the idea of Khalistan during this period served primarily as a bargaining chip
in opposing the idea of Pakistan. Master Tara Singh proposed the idea of Azad
Punjab due to the thin distribution of Sikhs over a large area. But this
proposal was never a demand for an independent state, but rather as an alternative
of a state within India in opposition to Pakistan.[16]
The idea of a Punjabi-speaking state
began early soon after independence. Congress supported the concept of
linguistic states but resisted the idea of religiously based states due to a
fear of communalism. The creation of Andhra Pradesh as a Telugu-speaking state
gave renewed impetus to the creation of new language-based states. The creation
of the Punjab state in 1966 despite objections by many Sikhs that
Punjabi-speaking areas went to Haryana or Himachal Pradesh. In addition,
Chandigarh became a union territory, depriving Punjab of its desired capital.[17]
Among the earliest accounts of a
demand for Khalistan took place outside India in London. The story recounted by
the Khalistan Council indicated that Sikh men settled in Britain and began
propagating the concept of a sovereign and independent Khalistan. One of the
men, Davinder Singh Parmar began spreading the idea of Khalistan and arranged
the first Khalistani state meeting in a local gurdwara. While only 20 attended
his first meeting and of those only one offered support, Parmar remained
encouraged. He continued to organize and write pamphlets. In 1970, Parmar met
newly arrived from India, Dr. Jagjit Singh Chauhan, a dentist and former
Finance Minister under Chief Minister of Punjab Lachman Singh Gill. Together
they announced the Khalistani movement in Birmingham and raised the flag of
Khalistan.[18]
While most regarded the notion of Khalistan as a fantasy, Chauhan caught the
attention of many when he toured Pakistan soon after the 1971 India-Pakistan
War. His advocacy and promotion of Khalistan while in Pakistan soon after war
captured the attention of both the diaspora and Sikhs within India.[19]
 |
| Jagjit Singh Chohan |
The world has been
oblivious to the fate of 12 million Sikhs living under political domination in
India and in constant fear of genocide. Another 6 million of us live abroad in
alienation and exile waiting for the day of deliverance. But all of us,
wherever we are, have struggled hard and in silence all these years for our
political and cultural redemption. We are going to wait no more. Today we
launch the final crusade till victory is achieved.[20]
Jagjit
Singh Chauhan lost his assembly seat in 1969 and left for London, where he
began his work for an independent state. The Indian government failed to take Chauhan
seriously and initially thought his efforts were a joke. During return trips to
India, Chauhan received a respectable welcome from a number of renowned leaders
of Congress. Despite the idea of Khalistan being a topic in the years before
independence the reality was that an independent Sikh state was a new idea.[21]
Between 1971 and 1978, numerous diasporic
Sikh organizations began to promote the idea of Khalistan and among these were
the National Council of Khalistan begun by Jagjit Singh Chauhan headquartered
in west London. Chauhan appointed himself as president in 1980 with Balbir
Singh Sandhu serving as secretary-general. The National Council
of Khalistan went so far as to issue Khalistani passports, postage stamps, and
currency. Chauhan claimed the passports and stamps held symbolic value, “they
help remind Sikhs of their identity.” In
1982, Chauhan began to lead regular protests outside the Indian High Commission
where he burned the Indian national flag.[22] Other groups also formed
and began to impact the Sikh diaspora, who began to financially support the
Khalistani movement. The Babbar Khalsa
promoted Khalistan from Canada, while the Akhand Kirtani Jatha operated from
both the USA and the UK.[23]
Near the end of the 1970s, events
occurred that added fuel to the Khalistani undertaking. After the loss of state
and central elections, many in Congress decided to involve themselves in local
Punjab politics in a move to strengthen Congress against the power of the Akali
Dal. Sanjay Gandhi was instrumental in convincing his mother, Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi to promote Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and his movement in an
effort to split the Akali Dal. This backfired as Bhindranwale grew in
popularity among Sikhs, especially the large population of Jats.[24] Yet Bhindranwale’s
extremism was clearly evident. In 1978, Bhindranwale instigated an attack on a
group of Nirankaris meeting in Amritsar, leaving a number of Sikhs and Nirankaris
dead.[25]
 |
| Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale photo from Wikipedia |
In 1982, Bhindranwale moved his
organization into the Golden Temple complex and equipped his group with a large
store of weaponry. The growth of violent occurrences within the area led to the
imposition of President’s rule in October 1983 and in April 1983 a Deputy
Inspector of police was assassinated after leaving the Golden Temple. In October
1983, Hindu passengers bound for Delhi were removed from their bus and
murdered.[26]
On June 1, 1984, Indira Gandhi ordered the Indian Army to forcibly remove the
radical militants from the Golden Temple in a military mission codenamed Operation Bluestar. Bhindranwale died in
the attack, but the reaction of Sikhs to the presence of the army and military
action within their holiest of shrines was overwhelming. On October 31, 1984, Gandhi’s
Sikh bodyguards assassinated her in reprisal for the attack on the Golden
Temple. Throngs of Indians sought retaliation as thousands of Sikhs died in
massacres throughout the country.
https://www.thestatesman.com/features/operation-bluestar-military-operation-changed-politics-india-1503077818.html From: The Statesman, ‘Operation Bluestar’…Military Operation that Changed the Politics of India
The attack on the Golden Temple and
the subsequent massacre of Sikhs animated Sikhs of the diaspora to embrace the
cause of Khalistan. Sikhs who discounted insurgents before 1984 now believed
that India had no interest in protecting Sikhs and their interests.[27] On June 6, 1984, British Sikhs attacked the
Indian High Commission as groups of men broke windows using chains and then
smashed plate glass windows at the front of the building. Journalists reported
that a group of Sikhs said the attack was a protest against India’s actions
in the Punjab. One man told reporters, “They are representatives of the government
of India. Until they stop killing Sikhs we will go on doing this.”[28] June 10, 1984, over 25,000 Sikhs marched from
Hyde Park to the Indian High Commission condemning the Indian government and
shouting, “Khalistan zindabad,”[29] Sikhs carried their ceremonial
swords or kirpans under an agreement with police who were present in force after the violence
against the Indian High Commission the previous week.
Chanting “Down
with Indira” the marchers from all over Britain carried pictures of Sant Bhindranwale
and small black flags. The organizers had planned to leave a petition at the
High Commission but India House would not accept it.[30]
Gurdwaras
in other British cities such as Birmingham, Coventry, and Bristol organized
protests.[31]
In Birmingham, over a hundred Sikhs gathered in a spontaneous protest in the
city center, outside the office of the Assistant High Commissioner of India.
The protest occurred immediately after an announcement that 250 Sikhs died
during the battle for the Golden Temple. One of the coordinators of the
Birmingham Khalistan Movement, Gurdev Singh Chohan told reporters,
We want to prove
that the 250 Sikhs killed were not extremists nor terrorists. They were martyrs
of the Sikh people.[32]
British Sikhs burned with anger over
attacks which many felt attacked their holiest of sites and their religion. Trying
to explain their actions as necessary, the Indian High Commission sent
videotapes and books to gurdwaras, but British Sikhs responded with bonfires
burning materials they regarded as propaganda. Photos and paintings of Bhindranwale
appeared in numerous gurdwaras across Britain.[33] Many Sikhs began to trust
that only the creation of Khalistan possessed the ability to protect their
religion and safeguard the Sikh panth.
For many recent Sikh migrants, the desire for an independent Sikh nation was
passionate, as they still felt a great commitment to the well-being of the
homeland which recently departed.[34]
Soon after Operation Bluestar,
diaspora Indians began the work of organizing new groups to advocate for a
Khalistan state. British Sikhs organized two groups, the Khalistan Council and
the International Sikh Youth Federation with the goal of an independent and
sovereign Punjabi state. The Khalistan Council met in Southall, west London
with several thousand Sikhs in attendance on June 23, 1984, where Dr. Jagjit
Singh Chauhan assumed leadership. An appeal for funds quickly raised 100,000
pounds. The BBC aired a statement from Dr. Chauhan, which rapidly caused a
diplomatic dispute between the Indian and British governments. The following
July, Chauhan and the Khalistan Council organized a march through Southall in
west London attracting Sikhs across Britain. Chauhan solicited donations for
medical aid but also asked for financial support for the Khalistan Army.
Present at the march, Davinder Singh Pamar claimed that volunteers would be
trained for the military and sent to fight in the Punjab. Parmar predicted war
saying, “There will be an all out war because the Hindu rulers have declared
war on my people and my nation.” Computer programmer Rajinder Singh Kaely
joined the march and found himself deeply moved, although his family was three generations removed from
the Punjab.
The only link I’ve
had with the Punjab is religion but what’s happened has hurt me. We’ve got to
have our homeland. Now I don’t care about my family or children. I just want to
fight for this cause.[35]
The Council organized numerous meetings at
gurdwaras across Britain, where the necessity for a free Khalistan dominated
dialogue.[36]
During the height of the Khalistan movement, many gurdwaras became a struggle
for control as Sikhs disagreed over strategies and approaches toward the way to
achieve their goals. These disputes often lead to violence, but in most cases, the violence remained hidden from outside observers. Factional disputes within
the community often resulted from Sikh understandings of izzat (honor). The need for violence when one’s honor or
reputation is at stake remains puzzling for many outsiders and younger Sikh
generations.[37]
Another important Khalistani
diaspora group created in Britain was the International Sikh Youth Federation
(ISYF) in 1984. Founded by Jasbir Singh Rode, a nephew of Bhindranwale the ISYF
was labeled a terrorist organization by India and numerous Western countries
including the UK, USA, and Canada.
The theme of martyrdom also played a
role in Sikh support for the Khalistan movement. The Sikh martyr serves as an
example to the world of Sikh courage and determination to protect the faith.
The example of past Sikh martyrs aided in motivating Sikhs to reclaim and restore
the honor of the Panth challenged by the aggressive action of the Indian
government. The failure to act demonstrated that contemporary Sikhs fell short
of past heroes.[38]
The allure of martyrdom played a role in the actions of Bhindranwale
leading up to the deaths during Operation Bluestar. During his speeches, Bhindranwale made numerous references and comparisons
to past Sikh martyrs. In a speech delivered in June, 1983, Bhindranwale
used the example of Garja Singh and Bota Singh, both martyrs defending Sikhs
against Mughal forces. These examples demonstrated the ability of a small force
to achieve victory over superior forces. In a speech he delivered in May 1985, Bhindranwale stresses the possibility of suffering for
their struggle:
Now we [the Sikhs]
are struggling on behalf of all Punjabis. We are not making demands. We are
asking for our rights, only our rights. And we have to get our rights. It is
not that we are not to get them and all this is idle talk. We have to get them
even if it means we are cut up bit by bit. We have to get them under all
circumstances.[39]
Those
Sikhs seeking non-violent methods Bhindranwale
criticizes in the strongest terms:
are the techniques
of the weak, not of a race that has never bowed its head before any injustice-
a race whose history is written in the blood of its martyrs.[40]
The use of violence by Sikh separatists to
achieve their ends brought violent reprisals from Indian authorities with the
viciousness of the methods by the police and military escalating. The increased
violence in India led many secessionists to flee to Western nations under
refugee status. These refugees continued to pursue their goals for a Khalistan
state within their host countries and multiple militant organizations established
branches within Western nations. Punjabi groups such as Bhindranwale Tigers
Force, Khalistan Liberation Force, and the Khalistan Zindabad Force all
established alongside Diaspora groups like the Babbar Khalsa International,
Khalistan Council, and International Youth Federation.[41]
As
the violence and killings escalated, the Sikh public began to question the
brutality of the tactics used by the secessionists. The bombing of Air India
Flight 182 in 1985 began the questioning of the violence. The involvement of
terrorists connected to the Babbar Khalsa and the International Sikh Youth Federation began a process that tarred
these groups with terrorism. Within the Punjab, intimidation, robberies, rapes,
kidnappings, and attacks on commonplace villagers followed by police and
para-military forces taking advantage to commit their own atrocious crimes led
most Punjabis to desire an end to the chaos and death. The government of Punjab
Chief Minister Beant took critical actions alongside his police chief KPS Gill
to eradicate the violent terrorists and restore peace to Punjab.[42]
Instead
of supporting groups advocating violence, most diaspora Sikhs began to focus
their attention on a campaign for human rights. With Western nations
labeling the International Sikh Youth Federation and other groups as
terrorists, ordinary Sikhs felt the need to distance themselves from any group
advocating violence. With the end of the Cold War and the opening of the Indian
economy, many Western nations saw the potential of trade with India. A new
positive attitude toward India from the West made anti-India activities
difficult for Sikhs in the West.[43]
The shift toward human rights led to a new
focus on Punjab by Sikhs in the diaspora. New groups rose that used
different strategies instead of advocating for Khalistani militants. The Sikh
Federation (UK) remains a good example of a Sikh advocacy group advertised as
an NGO existing to advocate for the interests of Sikhs in Britain but also
maintain a sovereign Khalistan as a goal. Founded in 2003, The Sikh Federation
states on its website that its aim is to give,
Sikhs a stronger
political voice by taking an increasing interest in mainstream politics in the
UK. We will also provide the Sikhs with a much needed voice at an international
level and will be seeking consultative status with the United Nations at the
earliest opportunity.[44]
The
Sikh Federation declares that its purpose it to advocate for Sikh rights and to
preserve Sikh culture, but they are clear in their promotion of a free and
independent Khalistan. They state that one of their goals is,
Make known and
explain the reasons why Sikhs want to establish an independent sovereign state
of Khalistan to the British public, political organisations and the UK
Government.[45]
One
of the campaigns conducted by the Sikh Federation is to educate regarding the
attack on the Golden Temple and the massacres following the assassination of
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. In a report labeled “Sacrificing Sikhs,” the
Federation demands a public inquiry and international investigation into the
events of 1984 in an innocent labeled genocide. The Sikh Federation also
organized the Sikh Manifesto with an accompanying Book of Remembrance which was
presented in the British Parliament for MPs to sign and offer support.[46] The All Party
Parliamentary Group for British Sikhs hosted the signing and counted among its
members a number of non-Sikhs.[47]
Yet the memory of Bhindranwale and
those killed during Operation Bluestar remain powerful symbols among the
Diaspora in the UK. Many gurdwaras feature murals and photos depicting the
events of Operation Bluestar. Many feature portraits illustrate Sikh
militants as heroes.[48] In 2015, An Indian
Congress politician was shocked to see a portrait of Bhindranwale
displayed heroically within the gurdwara. Tweeting, “Bit of a Shocker! At a
Gurdwara in Southall,” the politician Pawan Khera expressed surprise after
seeing the portrayal.[49] At the largest gurdwara
outside of India, the Sri Guru Singh Sabha Southall displayed a large 20’ by
10’ banner portrait of Bhindranwale outside the gurdwara prominently next to
the Fifth Guru Arjun. Sukhi Chahal, the CEO of the US-based Punjab Foundation
tweeted,
Equalising a
person with a person with a #Guru is utterly disrespectful and unpardonable. Mr
GS Malhi, president of the gurdwara, must apologise to #Sikh Sangat for the
sin. Demand his sacking and immediate removal of the poster
In
response, the gurdwara’s official tweeter replied, “You and your masters
@HCI_London will need to try a little harder than sending a few tweets.”[50]
From the Times of India, Bhindranwale portrait on exterior of UK’s biggest gurdwara
.
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[1] Vivek
Chaudhary, “How London's Southall became 'Little Punjab,'” The Guardian, April
4, 2018, https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2018/apr/04/how-london-southall-became-little-punjab-
[2] Giorgio
Shani, “Beyond Khalistan? Sikh diasporic identity and critical international
theory,” Sikh Formations, 1 no.1, (2005):60.
[3] Sandhya
Shukla, India Abroad: Diasporic Cultures
of Postwar America and England, (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
2003), 92.
[4] Shukla, India Abroad: Diasporic Cultures of
Postwar America and England, 93.
[5] Helweg,
“Punjab Farmers: Twenty Years in England,” India
International Centre Quarterly, 16.
[6] Roger Ballard, “Differentiation and
Disjunction Amongst Sikhs in Britain,” in The
Sikh Diaspora: Migration and the
Experience Beyond Punjab, eds. N. Gerald Barrier and Verne A. Dusenbery
(Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1989), 209.
[7] Giorgio Shani, “Beyond Khalistan? Sikh diasporic identity
and critical international theory,” Sikh
Formations, 1 no.1, (2005): 59.
[8]
Paul R. Brass, Language, Religion and
Politics in North India, (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1974), 278. https://archive.org/stream/in.ernet.dli.2015.137011/2015.137011.Language-Religion-And-Politics-In-North-India_djvu.txt
[9]
Gurveen Kaur Khurana, “Home and the World: The Nagar Kirtan and Sikh Diaspora,”
in Sikhism in Global Context, ed.
Pashaura Singh (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2011), 229.
[10] Neha
Gohil, “Inside the Southall Sikh festival that usually welcomes 40,000 visitors
and 'lines the streets with food and drink,'” My London, April 13, 2021, https://www.mylondon.news/news/west-london-news/inside-southall-sikh-festival-usually-20376525
[11]
The author witnessed several Vaisakhi processions featuring veterans while in
Britain.
[12]
Jasjit Singh, “House of the Guru? Young British Sikhs’ Engagement with
Gurdwaras,” Journal of Punjab Studies,
21 no, 1, (2014): 45. https://punjab.global.ucsb.edu/sites/secure.lsit.ucsb.edu.gisp.d7_sp/files/sitefiles/journals/volume21/no1/Singh.pdf
[13]
Jasjit Singh, “House of the Guru,” 50.
[14] Jasjit
Singh, “House of the Guru,” 46.
[15]
Sukhmani Riar, “Khalistan: The Origins of the Demand and Its Pursuit Prior to
Independence, 1940-1945.” In Punjabi
Identity in a Global Context, eds. Pritnam Singh and Shinder Singh Thandi
(New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999), 233.
[16]
J.S. Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab,
(New Delhi: Foundation Books, 1994), 172.
[17]
Grewal, 205.
[18] C.C.
Fair, “Diaspora Involvement in Insurgencies: Insights from the Khalistan and
Tamil Eelam Movements,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, (April 2005): 135.
[19]
C.C. Fair, 135.
[20]
Reddit, Indian Defense, Photograph of Ad, July 22, 2014. https://www.reddit.com/r/IndianDefense/comments/m3lw77/this_oct_1971_call_to_action_for_an_independent/
[21]
Grewal, 217.
[22]
Shyam Bhatia and Ramesh Sharma, “Sikhs Fight for Homeland from a Semi in
Reading,” The Observer, July 4, 1982, 5. https://www.newspapers.com/newspage/257858246/
[23]
Bhabani Sen Gupta, “Punjabi Fading of Sikh Diaspora,” Economic and Political
Weekly 25, No. 7 (Feb. 1990): 365.
[24]
C.C. Fair, “Diaspora Involvement in Insurgencies: Insights from the Khalistan
and Tamil Eelam Movements,” Nationalism
and Ethnic Politics, (April 2005): 128.
[25]
Grewal, 216.
[26]
Grewal, 223.
[27]
C.C. Fair, 128.
[28]
Stewart Tendler, “Indian High Commission Attacked by Sikhs,” The Times, June 7, 1984, 3.
[29] Darsham
Singh Tatla, The Sikh Diaspora: The
Search for Statehood, (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1999): 137.
[30] Stewart
Tendler,” Sikhs and swords in a peaceful London protest,” The Times, June 11,
1984, 26.
[31] Tatla,
The Sikh Diaspora: The Search for
Statehood, 137.
[32]
“Sikhs in City Temple Protest,” Birmingham Evening Mail, June 7, 1984, 1.
[33] Tatla,
The Sikh Diaspora: The Search for
Statehood, 138.
[34]
C.C. fair, 136.
[35]
Binda Randawa,”Two Thousand Vote for Guerilla Action,” Southall Gazette, July 6, 1984, 5. https://www.newspapers.com/image/794036007
[36] Tatla,
The Sikh Diaspora: The Search for
Statehood, 140.
[37]
Hew McLeod, Sikhism, (London: Penguin Books, 1997): 262.
[38]
Louis E. Fenech, Martyrdom in the Sikh
Tradition: Playing the ‘Game of Love,’ (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2000): 19.
[39]
Fenech, 292.
[40]
Fenech, 293.
[41]
Shinder Purewal, “Sikh Diaspora and the Movement for Khalistan,” The Indian Journal of Political Science,
LXXII, No. 4, (Oct-Dec. 2011): 1137.
[42]
Purewal, 1138.
[43]
Purewal, 1140.
[44]
“Learn More About the Sikh Federation,” The Sikh
Federation, http://www.sikhfeduk.com/about-us/agenda
[45]
Learn More About the Sikh Federation: Agenda,” The Sikh Federation, http://www.sikhfeduk.com/about-us/agenda
[46]Tanmanjeet
Singh Dhesi MP, Twitter Post, June 5, 2018, 6:10 PM, https://twitter.com/TanDhesi
[47] APPG for British Sikhs, Twitter Post, May 22,
2021,7:07AM, https://twitter.com/AppgBritSikhs
[48]
Witnessed by the author.
[49]
Sih24 editors, “Indian Congress Politician Shocked to See Picture of Sant
Bhindranwale at Southall Gurdwara,” Sikh24.com, July 25, 2015, https://www.sikh24.com/2015/07/25/indian-congress-politician-shocked-to-see-picture-of-sant-bhindranwale-at-southall-gurdwara/
[50]
Naomi Canton, Bhindranwale portrait on exterior of UK’s biggest gurdwara, next
to image of fifth Sikh Guru sparks outcry,” The
Times of India, June 5, 2020. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/uk/bhindranwale-portrait-on-exterior-of-uks-biggest-gurdwara-next-to-image-of-fifth-sikh-guru-sparks-outcry/articleshow/76202778.cms
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