Review: The Christian Past That Wasn't: Debunking the Christian Nationalist Myths That Hijack History

Review: The Christian Past That Wasn't: Debunking the Christian Nationalist Myths That Hijack History

As the United States approaches her 250th anniversary, the origins of the American Republic have become a matter of contention. Among many Christians, the idea that the United States was founded as a Christian nation is a foregone conclusion. Curriculums, textbooks, and ministries center on the promotion of America as a Christian nation. With the recent rise of Christian nationalism, Christian America is a foundational principle, impacting not only education but government policy. Out of the current discussions regarding the American founding, Warren Throckmorton offers his recent volume, The Christian Past That Wasn't: Debunking the Christian Nationalist Myths That Hijack History. Throckmorton’s book is bound to cause discussion and debate as the religious founding of the USA remains a fact of almost confessional orthodoxy for many evangelical Christians, while many on the left maintain an almost sanitized secular founding for the United States. The Christian Past That Wasn't is a popular and readable history that skillfully lays out the historical facts, that will make many uncomfortable, but history is often uncomfortable. The real history is not that of a sanctified Christian nation, but neither is it the story of a nonreligious secular state. Anyone who desires a greater understanding of early America must wrestle with the facts presented by Throckmorton. Throckmorton examines seven myths that many American point to as the reason America was established as a Christian nation. But, one must acknowledge that the author is not saying that the Founding Fathers were not influenced by Christianity. Most of the founders were Christians and they believed that religion and in particular Christianity, “was a critical support to republican government. They believed religion in society was important because it fostered virtue and self-government.” (11). But, while acknowledging the importance of Christian belief, Throckmorton maintains that it was not the plan of the Founders to establish a Christian republic. The attempt to wedge a Christian foundation into the origin of the American republic has led many Christians to romanticize and sentimentalize American history, while downplaying some of the darker periods such as race-based chattel slavery and the subjugation of Native Americans, as well as declaring the separation of church and state illegitimate. Throckmorton ably examines the facts underlying the American foundation and demonstrates that the history is far more complicated that many mythmakers present. The author takes aim primarily at David Barton and his organization Wallbuilders, whose goal is to help “people discover the true story of America and our Biblical foundation.” (wallbuilders.com) Throckmorton along with former Grove City professor, Michael Coulter offered a historical rebuttal to Barton’s claims about Thomas Jefferson in their book, Getting Jefferson Right: Fact Checking Claims About Our Third President. Throckmorton and Coulter’s work forced publisher Thomas Nelson to remove Barton’s book, The Jefferson Lies removed because of the multiple historical errors contained in Barton’s book. Barton continues to peddle historical errors and myths by cherry picking quotes and manufacturing a false narrative about the American founding. The influence of Barton continues to spread as he speaks at churches and has the ear of politicians like Speaker Mike Johnson, who repeat his lies as facts. Throckmorton lays out the 7 myths in succeeding chapters: Myth 1: America is a Covenant Homeland for European Protestants Myth 2: America is a Christian nation because the colonies had state churches. Myth 3: America is a Christian nation because the Founders we orthodox Christians. Myth 4: The Founders created a Christian government. Myth 5: The Charter documents are based on the Bible and Christianity. Myth 6: America’s virtues justify America’s sins. Myth 7: Christianity should be promoted in public education. Throckmorton examines these myths and skillfully takes them apart with the precision of an investigative journalist. He employs primary sources to dismantle the sanitized history that many evangelicals believe. This is a book for those willing to wrestle with historical facts and desire real history. Understanding the complexities of American history does not invalidate the impact of Christianity on the American nation, rather it demonstrates that like all humanity, Americans live in a fallen world in need of salvation.

Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution by Woody Holton; A Short Review

 Holton, Woody. Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution. New York: Hill and Wang, 2007.

Many Americans look to the framing of the Constitution with great sentimentality believing that the wisdom of the Framers inaugurated a democracy and their rights as American citizens. Yet, Woody Holton in his book, Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution argues that the goal of the Framers was not to unleash democracy and establish American rights but rather the men, who designed the Constitution sought to strengthen the federal government and shield it against grassroots democratic pressure. Many popular accounts of the Constitutional Convention declare that the Framers’ primary motivation was to address the problems caused by a weak Articles of Confederation. But Holton points to the Framers’ own statements which reveal that James Madison and other Convention delegates were far more concerned about the problems caused by state governments. The Constitution was an effort to safeguard against the dangers of democracy, transfer power from the state governments, and place power within a stronger Federal government. The Framers never viewed the idea of safeguarding civil liberties as the motivation for the Constitution.

 Many delegates expressed concern that state legislatures gave “too great an attention to popular notions.” (5) The Framers simply believed that the American Revolution had run astray and that the Convention needed to “put the democratic genie back into the bottle.” (5) Holton further contends that the attempt by the Framers to tamp down on popular pressure left Americans with “nagging feelings” that disaster awaits “when ordinary folk get their hands on the levers of power.” (273) Only the need for approval by the states prevented the framers from making the Constitution even more anti-democratic, as “their desperate desire to get the Constitution through the ratifying conventions had forced them to drop or moderate some of their favorite restraints on grassroots influence.” (198)

The period after the American victory witnessed economic struggle as crippling debt owed to bondholders and creditors by the states forced taxes upon citizens. Every state witnessed rebellions where distressed farmers rebelled against state taxation and harsh attempts at debt collection. The Shay’s Rebellion, especially caused many elite Americans to see a need for a stronger and less democratic national government to rein in the rebellion and the failure of state governments to deal with debt collection. For many of the Framers, the state legislators were far too lax and ready to provide relief because of the popular pressure placed upon the state by the electorate. One might believe that Holton follows a similar thesis to Charles Beard in his book Economic Interpretation of the Constitutionof the United States, who argued that the goal of the Framers was to protect their own investments against the needs of small farmers and laborers. According to Beard, without a stronger Federal government, creditors would not get their money. (22) But Holton, argues that two of the primary authors of the Constitution, Madison and Hamilton, neither owned bonds nor were they major creditors. Economic recovery was a primary concern for the Framers, who believed that lax treatment of debtors and taxes eventually led to a worsening economy with the loss of credit and ability to trade.

While the Framers arrived in Philadelphia critical of state governments, one might assume that the farmers and Anti-Federalists gave their support to their legislators. The reality was the Anti-Federalists and especially the farmers were highly critical of the state governments for not doing enough to provide relief to those suffering under oppressive taxes. Holton presents Herman Husband as a voice for those demanding relief from taxes and debt. While the framers believed that the farmers suffered because of their own irresponsibility, Holton demonstrates that the reality was that many bondholders held bonds purchased from soldiers and farmers. Abagail Adams serves Holton as an example of someone discovering that trading in bonds brought easier profits than land speculation.

Herman Hisband, NC Historical Highway Markers

While today most Americans prize the Constitution for the civil rights protection found in the Bill of Rights, Holton demonstrates that most of the Framers had no plans for a Bill of Rights but only conceded to win support for the ratification by the states. Several state conventions promised support for the Constitution only if amendments protecting civil rights were added. Anti-Federalists also pressured the Framers into promising protection for civil rights. The Bill of Rights became part of the Constitution only because without the first ten amendments then state approval was highly doubtful. Without opposition to the Constitution then a Bill of Rights would be nonexistent. (xi)  

Holton offers an engaging interpretation of the opposing motivations behind the origins of the Constitution, although his account is often repetitive with many explanations repeating themselves through each chapter. And while Holton promises multiple views outside of the Framers, it appears that much of his work still centers on James Madison and other Framers with some highlighting of Herman Husband. Most of the farmers and others engaged in rebellious actions during the 1780s still appear to have a smaller voice, especially after the adoption of the Constitution. Once the Convention begins, farmers rarely appear.